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For a discussion of the impact of Whig history on British official thinking, see Edwin Jones, The English Nation: The Great Myth (London: Sutton Publishing, 1998), chapter 7, pp. 218– 47. 22. John Campbell, Nye Bevan and the Mirage of British Socialism (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1987) p. 120. 23. , p. 194. 24. Michael R. Gordon, Conflict and Consensus in Labour’s Foreign Policy, 1914–1965 (Stanford, CT: Stanford University Press, 1969) p. 54. 25. R. D. Pearce, The Turning Point in Africa: British Colonial Policy, 1938–1948 (London: Frank Cass, 1982) p.
Lawrence James, The Rise and Fall of the British Empire (London: Little, Brown, 1994) p. 533. Gallagher, op. , note 40 above, p. 146. Davies, op. , note 1 above, p. 82. Fieldhouse, op. , note 41 above, p. 95. , p. 98. Pearce, op. , note 25 above, p. 124. , pp. 110 –11. Gupta, op. , note 12 above, p. 301. , p. 300. 3 Britain and the Commonwealth in the 1950s Sir William Nicoll At the opening of the decade after the war, the symbol of the Commonwealth was a column four abreast with its head at the Cenotaph and its tail in Princes Street, Edinburgh.
There it stayed, as those who venture to intervene find out to their discomfiture. It has also been said that for most of the 1950s, the Commonwealth had not much to say to itself about world security and foreign policy. The old Commonwealth was in the Western camp; the biggest of the new nations, India, was not. It was also preparing the doctrines of Panch Shil and the policy of non-alignment proclaimed at the Bandung conference in 1955. Non-alignment was compatible with membership of a Commonwealth without foreign policy and with rapprochement with the Soviet Union, especially when the Bulganin–Khruschev diarchy 30 A.